Algeria-Morocco: The Endless Tensions

"Two twin countries that complement each other". These are the words used by King Mohammed VI of Morocco to characterize the neighboring North African countries of Morocco and Algeria. The reality, however, is quite different. “We have practically reached the point of no return”, declared Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune in March 2023, as he depicted the relations between the two countries, nearly two years after they severed diplomatic ties

For decades, the adjacent countries of Morocco and Algeria have been intertwined in an intricate web of ongoing tension, yielding a multifaceted and complex relationship that continues to captivate regional intrigue. From historical animosities deeply entrenched in colonial legacies to modern-day conflicts involving border disputes, regional influence, and diplomatic alliances, the two nations have seldom appeared so distant.

The rapport between the two countries has now progressed to a juncture where every disagreement, no matter how minor, within the backdrop of constant intense tension, recurring verbal confrontations, and an arms race, raises the specter of war.

Colonial Era: The Roots of Tensions

In 1830, Algeria and Morocco did not exist in their current form. Algeria was known as the Regency of Algiers, an autonomous state integrated into the Ottoman Empire, and Morocco was an independent country, known as the Cherifien Empire. 

France began the conquest of the territory corresponding to present-day Algeria in 1830, which continued to expand southward into the desert regions for more than a century. Initially, Morocco supported the Algerian resistance against France, and clashes occurred between the French and Moroccan armies. However, in 1844, after the French victory in the Battle of Isly, Morocco ceased its support for the Algerian resistance and recognized the French presence. The two nations signed the Treaty of Lalla Maghnia, which fixed the border between French Algeria and Morocco between the Mediterranean coast and the borders of the Atlas Mountains. The treaty did not define a border farther south in the desert, as it was considered useless to do so in areas that were thought uninhabited and unsuitable for agriculture - a common approach to colonial borders in Africa.

In 1884, the Spanish, who were already settled on the Canary Islands, landed on the Dakhla peninsula and signed a treaty with France defining the border between French Mauritania and what would become Spanish Sahara (now Western Sahara). It was not until 1912 that Morocco as a whole came under French and Spanish protectorates.

Post-Colonial Era: Complex Neighborhood Relations

The French and Spanish protectorates came to an end in 1956, and Morocco regained its full autonomy. Immediately, territorial claims were asserted in the country based on the concept of "Greater Morocco", which had been popular for several decades and remains so today among nationalists. "Greater Morocco" includes present-day Morocco, Western Sahara, Mauritania, northern Mali, and western Algeria. This concept is rooted in the memory of the great Moroccan dynasties that reigned in the past (such as the Almoravids in the 13th century, the Saadians in the 16th century, and the Alawis in the 18th century). It allowed for the development of a strong Moroccan national identity and unity.

At the same time, the Algerian war for independence had commenced, and Morocco was already engaging in discussions with Algerian revolutionaries to renegotiate the borders defined by France once Algeria gained independence. Morocco hoped to reclaim the region of western Algeria from Bechar to Tindouf, which had been incorporated in Algeria by France during the final years of French Algeria. This region was believed to possess significant reserves of iron, oil, and gas. The Algerians had even expressed willingness to return these territories to Morocco. Never before had the two peoples been so close in their cooperation. The French government of that time acknowledged that without Moroccan military assistance, the Algerian rebellion might have been suppressed.

However, upon achieving independence in 1962, Algerian leaders systematically refused any border renegotiations, and tensions quickly escalated between the two neighbors. Skirmishes occurred in the region, leading to the expulsion of Algerian and Moroccan nationals back to their respective countries. Eventually, the Moroccan army entered the region, which Algeria considered its own, and the "Sand War" broke out in 1963. The conflict ended with the signing of a ceasefire via the Bamako agreements, which included a study of the border issue, but the borders remained unchanged.

Following this period, efforts were made between the two countries to improve their relations. The Treaty of Ifrane was signed in 1969, emphasizing the "brotherhood" of the two peoples and encouraging good neighborly relations and economic cooperation. In 1972, a new agreement was signed in Rabat, which more clearly defined the borders between the two countries. However, Morocco did not ratify the agreement until 1989, as events were unfolding further south in the Spanish Sahara.

In 1973, the Polisario Front was established as the successor to the local resistance movements against the Spanish presence in the Western Sahara. On November 6, 1975, the King of Morocco organized the Green March, a strategic peaceful march of 350,000 civilians towards the Western Sahara, with the goal of symbolically taking control of the region without armed confrontation. This was symbolic because the marchers only walked about ten kilometers before returning to Morocco, but faced with this and pressured by the United Nations, Spain relinquished the territory, allowing Morocco to occupy it.

Through the Madrid Accords, Western Sahara was divided between Morocco, which took control of the northern two-thirds, and Mauritania, which took the southern third. Algeria supported the independence of the Western Sahara, as it did not wish to see its neighbor and former opponent increase the size of its territory and gain access to important resources such as phosphates and fisheries. However, due to the Green March, Algeria could not intervene militarily and instead opted to wage a proxy war by supporting the Polisario Front. In 1979, Mauritania withdrew from the conflict due to pressure from Polisario, including a bombardment of its capital and other economic targets, and Morocco claimed the entire territory.

The oil counter-shock of the 1980s significantly impacted the Algerian economy, which heavily relied on oil revenues to finance the Polisario Front. Nonetheless, the conflict persisted, with the Polisario Front using the Algerian city of Tindouf as a rear base, where many Sahrawi refugees sought refuge. Their guerilla strategy involved harassing the Moroccan army by conducting raids and retreating to Tindouf. In response, Morocco decided in 1980 to establish a defensive wall known as the "Wall of Sands" to deter these raids. This strategy worked well until the conflict reached a stalemate.

Meetings between King Hassan II and Algerian President Chadli Bendjedid in 1983 and 1987 led to improved relations by 1988, with both countries reopening their borders and re-establishing diplomatic ties that had been severed in 1976 after Algeria recognized the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic. A détente also occurred with the Polisario Front, which received reduced military and financial support from Algeria. As a result, a ceasefire was signed in 1991, and a referendum on self-determination was scheduled for the following year. However, the referendum did not take place as the two parties could not agree on the modalities. The Polisario Front wanted only the 74,000 people counted by Spain in 1974 to vote (mainly Sahrawis), while Morocco wanted the many Moroccans who had settled in the Western Sahara since its takeover to vote. The situation remained deadlocked, but the ceasefire remained in effect.

In the 1990s, tensions between Morocco and Algeria resurfaced, partly due to the Algerian civil war (1991-2002). Morocco was accused of turning a blind eye to Moroccan networks allegedly supporting Algerian rebels. In 1994, an attack took place in Marrakech, killing 2 people, and Morocco accused the Algerian secret services of being the instigators. In response, Morocco imposed a visa requirement on Algerian nationals, and Algeria closed its borders.

A relaxation in relations occurred in the 2000s with the arrival of Abdelaziz Bouteflika in power in Algeria. With the end of the Algerian civil war, entry visas for both countries were lifted in 2004 and 2005, and attempts at compromise were made regarding the Western Sahara. However, both parties remained entrenched in their positions.

Since 2020: Irreconcilable Neighbors? 

Since gaining independence, the relationship between Algeria and Morocco has consistently been highly unstable, marked by warfare and prolonged periods of tension punctuated by brief intervals of détente. However, starting from 2020, the two neighboring nations have never appeared so distant.

Initially, the dormant Western Sahara conflict resurfaced. In November 2020, the Polisario Front obstructed the road linking Western Sahara to Mauritania, triggering tensions in the region. The Moroccan army intervened to address the situation, but the following day, the Polisario Front announced the termination of the cease-fire that had been in effect since 1991.

On December 22, 2020, Morocco and Israel signed an agreement to normalize diplomatic relations, and as a result, the United States recognized Morocco's sovereignty over the Western Sahara. This was followed by the signing of a security cooperation agreement between the two countries a year later. This reconciliation with the Arab world's longstanding adversary is perceived as a genuine betrayal by Algeria, known for its staunch pro-Palestine stance and anti-Zionist beliefs, and it has consistently refused to acknowledge the existence of the State of Israel. These developments marked substantial diplomatic advancements for Morocco, yet simultaneously exacerbated the profound divide between the neighboring countries.

A sequence of verbal escalations ensued.

In July 2021, the Moroccan Ambassador to the United Nations raised the issue of self-determination for the Kabyle people in Algeria, highlighting Algeria's double standards in advocating for the rights of Sahrawis in the Western Sahara but not extending the same principle to the Kabyle in Kabylia. Algeria perceived this as a challenge to its territorial integrity. During the same month, the Pegasus scandal came to light, with Algeria accusing Morocco of conducting extensive surveillance on Algerian civilian and military officials using Israeli spy software.

Furthermore, in the subsequent month, Algeria leveled accusations against Morocco, asserting its support for the Movement for the Self-Determination of Kabylie and the Islamist Rachad movement, both categorized as terrorist entities by Algeria. Additionally, Algeria attributed the responsibility for the destructive wildfires in Kabylia to Morocco, although no evidence was provided.

At the end of August 2021, following a year of rapidly deteriorating relations and verbal escalations, Algeria declared the severance of all diplomatic ties with Morocco.

Following this decision, Algeria announced that all supplies of Algerian natural gas to Spain would henceforth be channeled through the Medgaz pipeline, directly connecting the two countries, rather than via the Maghreb-Europe pipeline passing through Morocco. Algeria opted not to renew the operating contract for the Maghreb-Europe pipeline, set to expire at the end of October 2021. This infrastructure plays a crucial role in Morocco's economy, as the Maghreb-Europe pipeline initially supplies Moroccan electricity production before reaching its destination, Spain.

In September 2021, Algeria decided to close its airspace to any aircraft, civilian or military, registered in Morocco. This decision rekindled tensions in January 2023, when Morocco, the defending champion, withdrew from the African Nations Championship of football because the Algerian government (the host country of the tournament) rejected its request for the team to fly directly on Morocco's national airline.

While verbal exchanges among the leaders and representatives of these nations are proliferating, similar accusations are also surfacing on social media platforms. Occasionally, the accusations traded between Algerians and Moroccans escalate to fervent levels on these platforms, serving as potent amplifiers for emotionally charged expressions within a deluge of hatred and misinformation. This raises concerns that both governments could potentially exploit a surge in national unity dynamics in the event of a conflict with their neighboring nation.

In this deteriorated environment, a seemingly minor incident, although one where both sides accuse the other of outright aggression, could potentially escalate tensions. On November 1st, 2021, the Algerian presidency accused the "Moroccan occupation forces in Western Sahara" of perpetrating a "cowardly murder" by bombing three Algerian trucks facilitating a connection between Mauritania and southern Algeria. They labeled the act as a "barbaric bombing”. In response, Morocco contended that the trucks had been targeted within a Polisario military transit zone, further stating that "while Algeria may seek conflict, Morocco does not". Ultimately, a sense of restraint prevailed, but the crisis did not result in establishing a communication channel aimed at preventing future occurrences.

The relationship between the two countries has deteriorated to such an extent that the Algerian President openly speaks of "a point of no return”. Short/medium-term reconciliation seems implausible, given the depth and breadth of the divisions.

The Arms Race

As so often happens, when tensions rise, divisions deepen and reconciliation seems impossible, an arms race ensues.

Algeria, belonging to the pro-Soviet/pro-Russian bloc, stands in contrast to Morocco, which is recognized as being more aligned with the Western world than its neighbor. This distinction is particularly evident in their choice of weaponry. Algeria predominantly possesses arms of Soviet/Russian origin, although their supplies have become more diverse over time. On the other hand, the Moroccan military has always sought to acquire a best-of-the-best selection from various sources. Morocco’s military arsenal includes American Abrams, Soviet T-72s, and Chinese Type 90 tanks, while Algeria exclusively relies on Soviet/Russian tanks. A similar pattern can be observed in their artillery, with Algeria relying on Soviet and Chinese models, while Morocco boasts a diverse array of cannons from English, American, Soviet, and French manufacturers.

Over the past few years, Algeria has been investing heavily in its aviation capabilities, acquiring Russian aircraft, such as the Su-30, Su-34, and Su-57. Additionally, they have purchased Russian T-90 tanks and S-300 anti-aircraft systems, while also focusing on the modernization of their submarine fleet. On the other hand, Morocco, while not boasting as high a budget as Algeria, has been strategically acquiring top-notch equipment: American F-16 fighter jets, American Apache helicopters, French CAESAR cannons, Turkish TB-2 drones, Chinese Wing Loong II drones, American HIMARS, ATACMS and Chinese PHL03 missile systems, Israeli EL/W-2085 electronic warfare systems, etc. Furthermore, ongoing negotiations with the USA for Patriot air defense systems show that they are looking for expensive but cutting-edge technologies.

These differences in military equipment are indicative of the countries' respective diplomatic relationships and alignments. While Algeria has historically leaned towards the Soviet and Russian spheres of influence, Morocco has maintained a more balanced approach by engaging with a wide range of international partners. This strategic diversity has allowed Morocco to access the finest military technologies available worldwide. Ultimately, the choice of weaponry reflects the complex geopolitical landscape in which these nations navigate and underscores the diverse paths they have taken in their international relations.

The Moroccan approach aims to enhance its armed forces with the finest equipment accessible worldwide, whereas Algeria is investing substantial resources in Russian weaponry, which has demonstrated its limitations in the war in Ukraine. The historical advantage that Algeria once held due to its mass of military equipment is no longer as guaranteed as it once was. As a result, in 2023, Algeria has doubled its military budget to catch up with technological advancements, now reaching $22 billion, while Morocco closely trails with a budget of $17 billion

Both nations persistently increase their military expenditures each year, indicating a continuing arms race in the region. It is the absence of dialogue between Algiers and Rabat that presents the most significant danger. Without direct exchanges, any form of mediation would be appreciated to avert an escalation that neither country nor its people wish to witness. These two nations, with much in common, would benefit from constructive communication and intervention measures to safeguard against potential conflict.


Photo Credits: David Broad — Edited by GorStra Team

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