Slovakia’s Election Takeaways: A Digital Transformation and Internet Governance Perspective
On 30th September, Slovakia’s population, at home and overseas, went to the polls to elect a new government. After the collapse in December 2022 and subsequent interim replacement of the previous one, the election has been long anticipated to return government control to pre-2020 ruling parties. Pre-election polling showed a consistent trend in favour of the left-wing SMER-SD party (known as the Social Democrats), with the relative newcomer PS (Progressive Slovakia) in a close second place. In the end, according to the official numbers released by the Statistical Office of the Slovak Republic, SMER-SD received 22.94% of the vote. This is enough to enter Parliament (above the 5% threshold), but not enough to form a majority government; the necessity to form a coalition after parliamentary elections is the most common outcome in Slovak politics. Its rival, PS, received 17.96% of the vote, placing second, as expected. Nevertheless, a potential coalition for SMER-SD is possible, with the off-shoot party Hlas (Voice) receiving almost 15%, and the similarly-aligned Slovak National Party (SNS) also entering Parliament with close to 6%.
The Slovak people thus decided the direction in which they want to see their country move forward - with Hungary, against the European Union (EU); with Russia, against Ukraine. As such, despite usually not receiving much attention, the results of the election of this small Central European country have been predicted to have important consequences. At the same time, the reasons for this increasing polarisation are many and complex, not the least of which includes the pervasive nature of disinformation aimed at the Slovak population. Its first effects had been felt during the early period of COVID-19, when disinformation and (Western) vaccine scepticism led to the lowest rates of vaccination in Europe, and resulted in a near-scandal for the then-Prime Minister Igor Matovič. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine further solidified the division, with approximately 250 pro-Kremlin media outlets and 2000 Facebook pages still operating in the country, spreading fear of Slovak involvement. The government’s combat of such disinformation, and wider policies of internet governance are thus of prime importance for the future of Slovakia’s geopolitical orientation and social cohesion.
Digital transformation and internet governance
With rapid and constant change enveloping the geopolitical and humanitarian spheres, non-traditional issues of human rights and access gain steady ground in the minds of policy-makers. Understanding the impact of the elected parties and potential coalitions on a crucial issue such as internet governance thus requires a more holistic trend analysis.
Before the election
Slovakia’s access and use of the internet stands at 89% of the population, according to the latest available data (2021). Despite being one of the best figures in the region, the country is also quite substantially behind the EU average on the Digital Economy and Society Index (DESI). According to its 2030 Digital Transformation Strategy, modern citizens live in three worlds, one of which is the “digital-virtual”, where information is the dominant commodity. It is thus necessary for citizens to possess the adequate skills and literacy to be able to navigate this world. The document places great emphasis on harnessing digital technology for economic, civic, and security purposes, proposing implementation measures centred around legislation, the creation of digital labs, and the promotion of initiatives on best practices. Nevertheless, its focus is also mostly cyber-oriented, and does not include disinformation and internet governance except as an afterthought. This changed to some extent with the 2018 anti-government protests, and subsequently the invasion of Ukraine.
In 2018, the murder of a journalist Ján Kuciak, and his fiancée Martina Kušnírová shook the Slovak political world. Having investigated the government for corruption, Kuciak was targeted and subject to government surveillance and illegal collection of information on private persons. This event occurred alongside a longstanding practice by the then-ruling SMER-SD of routinely attacking journalists as a part of their political message. Practices of the subsequent OĽANO (Ordinary People and Independent Personalities) government barely differed, however.
Furthermore, government surveillance and the monitoring of disinformation increased drastically after February 2022, when it became apparent that Russian disinformation was often being used to influence the war effort in Ukraine, and its international perception and level of support. An amendment to the Cyber Security Act gave public authorities permission to block content considered harmful, or labelled “serious disinformation”. In Slovakia, this culminated in reports of the police arresting authors of what was perceived as hate speech online. The provision has since been extended until it expired with the recent election. Further guidance and regulation of digital transformation and the Internet will thus be needed once the new government is formed.
Elected party programmes
In order to track the most likely trajectory of future government policy on these issues, it is necessary to examine the party programmes of the three highest polling parties in Parliament, and thus most likely to form and lead a coalition, or principal opposition.
SMER-SD: the party’s programme focuses primarily on domestic issues, and does not mention either digital transformation, nor internet governance and disinformation. Based on their previous policy, it is reasonable to assume that freedom of the media may continue to be at risk as journalists begin the reporting cycle on the new government, of which SMER-SD is more than likely to be a part of. With regards to disinformation, there is little indication that individual party members take substantive action against its spread, since it has been useful in their political campaign.
PS: on the other hand, Progressive Slovakia considers digitalisation a key pillar of their proposed programme, specifically greater connectivity around the country. In conjunction with such policy, PS is proposing the introduction of internet and digital literacy programmes for the parts of the population most in need of them, including senior citizens, teachers, and young people. This would mean enhanced individual and societal resilience to disinformation, particularly from Russia, although for these purposes, some suggest that a school curriculum change might also be necessary.
Hlas: the second social democratic party, and a most likely coalition partner for SMER-SD (although not for certain) includes a relatively detailed concept of digitalisation in their proposed programme. Priorities include digital integration and development of digital infrastructure, particularly in the business sector, with an emphasis on SMEs. Nevertheless, no concrete legislative initiatives have yet been proposed. As such, it is more in line with the liberal PS party, however, these two political actors are not likely to work very closely.
Conclusion
The exact direction of continued digital transformation and internet governance policy in Slovakia will remain unclear until a government has been formed. Nevertheless, little real change appears on the horizon, with priorities for further digitalisation and combating the spread of disinformation far from the top of the agenda. Slovakia is facing a political situation that could safely be described as a ‘new old’ - while the power returns to a longstanding actor in domestic governance, the new challenges facing the country and its population on the digital information front remain unaddressed. Without adequate measures in the area of digital transformation and internet governance, actors influential in the (dis)information sphere, such as Russia, will find it easier than ever to exploit public divisions and vulnerabilities. Slovakia must address these vulnerabilities now, or it risks geopolitically alienating itself and its population from those it remains most dependent on. A public awareness campaign to increase digital literacy and education should therefore be on the agenda of any future government.