UN Greenlights Security Mission in Haiti: Gang Violence and the Controversial Prospect of Foreign Intervention

Current Situation

Haiti has faced a series of events that have left the nation grappling with relentless challenges. From the devastating 7.0-magnitude earthquake in 2010 to the more recent 7.2-magnitude earthquake in 2021, the assassination of Haitian President Jovenel Moïse in the same year, and the destructive floods in 2023, Haiti finds itself trapped in a perpetual struggle for recovery, with little time for healing. Adding to the complexity, the escalating menace of gang violence has emerged as the country's new pressing threat. Between January and September last year, there were more than 3,000 reported homicides, 1,500 incidents of kidnappings for ransom, and over 200,000 residents have experienced displacement as a result of the ever-growing insecurity. The UN estimates that 5.2 million people, nearly half the population, have been affected in some manner by the rising violence and are currently in a state of need for humanitarian assistance. Much of the country has fallen under the control of armed gangs, which have blocked access to crucial fuel terminals and aid routes. The crisis has worsened due to increasing violence, escalating inflation, fuel shortages, and a resurgence of cholera. Subsequent waves of unrest emerged, especially after Prime Minister Ariel Henry announced cuts in fuel subsidies and requested international military assistance, leading to widespread calls for his resignation.

Since the country’s unprecedented levels of insecurity, the prime minister has continuously appealed for urgent international support in addressing the escalating gang violence. On October 2, 2023, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) adopted Resolution 2699, giving the green light to a non-UN Multinational Security Support (MSS) mission in Haiti. China and Russia abstained from voting. The mission, led by Kenya with the deployment of 1,000 police officers, aims to restore stability, strengthen the country’s police and justice system, and distribute humanitarian aid to civilians. Fellow Caribbean countries, including Jamaica, the Bahamas, and Antigua and Bermuda, have offered to help. The goal is to bring peace, security, and stability to Haiti and create an environment for the proper functioning of the State. Nevertheless, Haiti has experienced many failed humanitarian interventions organized by the UN and other international organizations, raising doubts about the effectiveness of yet another international intervention.

Overview of Past Missions 

The UN’s involvement in Haiti began in the 1990s by monitoring the December elections, resulting in Jean-Bertrand Aristide’s victory. However, the promise of democratic rule was cut short when Lieutenant-General Raoul Cédras led the 1991 coup. In light of human rights concerns and at the request of Mr Aristide, the UN and the Organization of American States (OAS) established the International Civilian Mission in Haiti (MICIVIH) in 1993 -  the UN’s first joint mission with a regional organization - to monitor human rights and investigate violations. Despite efforts, including oil and arms embargos and establishing the United Nations Mission in Haiti (UNMIH) to assist in modernizing the armed forces and creating a new police force, the restoration of constitutional rule faced obstacles. The breakthrough came in late 1994, when the United Nations authorized Member States to form a multilateral force led by the U.S., employing the controversial "all necessary means" phrasing. This intervention, known as “Operation Uphold Democracy”, aimed to remove military leaders and restore democracy, culminating in an eventual agreement. Subsequently, General Cédras left Haiti, Mr.Aristide returned, and the UNMIH took over in 1995 from the multinational force to assist the Government in maintaining the secure and stable environment established by the force. The Clinton Administration deemed the intervention a success. While experts acknowledge its success in achieving stability, i.e., removing the military junta and reinstating President Aristide, the intervention fell notably short in successfully transforming Haiti into a democracy.

A decade later, Haiti descended once again into a state of turmoil and instability. In February 2004, rebel forces captured large sections of the country, undermining the Haitian National Police and pushing President Jean-Bertrand Aristide from office. As gang violence and looting increased, the justice system crumbled, exacerbating a substantial decline in human rights conditions. The establishment of an interim government failed to bring an end to Haiti's violence and instability. Shortly after that, the UN established the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti, also known as MINUSTAH, with the mandate to maintain a secure and stable environment. As then-Secretary-General Kofi Annan emphasized, “This time we must get it right”. The mission received praise for helping to reestablish law and order, training a new civilian police force, and ensuring a stable environment to hold elections. Businessman Jovenel Moise won Haiti’s 2016 presidential elections, and a year later, MINUSTAH concluded, transitioning into a smaller follow-up peacekeeping mission. However, with hindsight, the mission had unintended negative consequences, doing more harm than good.

The UN's track record in Haiti has been less than ideal, plagued by cholera and Sexual Exploitation and Abuse (SEA) scandals. Following the 2010 earthquake, the UN called for an increase in the overall forces of MINUSTAH by incorporating an additional 3,500 UN peacekeepers to provide increased support for immediate humanitarian efforts. While the Haitians welcomed the help, it brought unintended consequences. Experts confirmed that the Nepalese contingent carried cholera to Haiti, causing more than 820,000 cases and resulting in nearly 10,000 deaths - on top of the thousands that were already affected by the earthquake. The UN did not acknowledge its involvement in the outbreak until six years later. 

Additionally, a 2019 report revealed that among 2,500 Haitians interviewed about the experiences of local women and girls in communities hosting peace support operations during MINUSTAH, 265 cases were identified where children were fathered by UN peacekeepers. Girls as young as 11 years old were sexually abused and left to raise their children alone in conditions of extreme poverty. Numerous cases of SEA involving UN personnel go unaddressed, with many peacekeepers only being repatriated. Although the UN can investigate SEA allegations, the ultimate accountability of peacekeepers lies with the respective countries that deploy them. Many countries, however, tend to downplay or obscure such issues for various reasons, one of them being to protect their national image. Indeed, the UN has intensified its endeavors to confront this issue. Nevertheless, the challenge of impunity continues largely unaddressed, necessitating the establishment of more enduring solutions to offer sustained support to survivors of sexual violence.

The Prospect of a Foreign Intervention

The new MSS mission has become a cause for concern for the Haitian people. Following decades of short-lived democracies and failed humanitarian interventions, there is a distinct split in public sentiment regarding the MSS mission. On the one hand, according to the Executive Director of the Center for Analysis and Research on Human Rights (CARDH), a Haitian NGO, many Haitians have expressed approval of international support, contingent on it being done the "right way". This is particularly true in areas controlled by gangs, where there has been a noticeable increase in popular support. On the other hand, many have lost their trust in foreign aid and protested the idea of yet another international intervention. “Military forces invading Haiti would be the greatest humiliation for us,” Blondel Joseph, a Saint-Raphael entrepreneur, told a reporter for the Haitian Times.

Still, the pressing question remains: what is the right way forward? 

Addressing this question proves challenging, and it is important to underscore that this report does not assert the existence of a single, definitive solution. Nevertheless, certain factors merit careful consideration. Historical precedents have demonstrated the ineffectiveness of foreign "Band-Aid solutions". Presently, there is an emerging consensus that the Haitian civil society ought to take on a central role in addressing the issue's root causes, calling for a Haitian-led solution with the backing of an international force to restore stability and security. Consequently, two factors should guide the decision-making process. The success of the MSS mission in creating the conditions for the proper functioning of the State will be compromised without the Haitian people's full public support and the government's cooperation. Simultaneously, addressing the issue's root causes is nearly impossible without legitimate foreign intervention to establish security and enable development. Hence, Haiti's dire situation demands a more comprehensive approach that requires cooperation and extends well beyond the immediate needs of Haitians.

To pave the way for Haiti's success as a secure, stable, and democratic nation, it is imperative to learn from past mistakes. The crucial first step in fostering collaborative efforts is the restoration of trust among the Haitian people. As suggested by the Americas Quarterly, one approach to achieving this is for the MSS mission to "adopt specific and clear procedures to prevent human rights violations, particularly exploitation and sexual abuse, and ensure accountability for transgressions." Subsequently, a multifaceted and long-term strategy plan with a clear exit strategy for foreign troops is necessary to combat gang violence and help lay the groundwork for a democratic reset process. This includes strengthening the Haitian National Police, combatting illicit trafficking of arms, reforming the justice system, reinstating functional state institutions, canceling the nation’s debt, engaging the youth in education, and creating economic opportunities. These pivotal steps are necessary not only to regain public support and trust in the state but also to break the cycle of poverty, unemployment, and inequality.

The start of the MSS mission is now facing a setback as Kenya’s High Court extends the prohibition on deploying officers to Haiti until UN training and funding are secured. A new ruling is expected on January 26. Moreover, it is essential to note that not all organizations endorse this mission. Amnesty International has voiced concerns about the human rights track record of Kenyan security forces, citing a history of extrajudicial killings and police brutality. The journey towards a secure, stable, democratic, and genuinely independent Haiti will be challenging. Nevertheless, with effective leadership and mission management, along with the establishment of secure conditions, there is potential to open the way for long-term political and social stability, significantly enhancing the lives of millions.

Image Credits: Johnson Sabin/EPA, via Shutterstock | Edited by GorStra Team